When Imam took charge of caliphate, he faced tremendous problems. These obstacles in addition to political disorder after death of 'Uthman darkly imaged the future. Here, problems are reviewed and the solutions ahead of Imam will be discussed.
Before everything it is to known that these problems were important for a person like Imam who showed more sensitivity to observing principles and applications than anybody else. Some time earlier, every caliph had opened a way temporarily and just for the purpose of expanding the conquests.
But now it wasn't obvious that many of those ways were off the roads and time
passed had shown this. Typically, 'Umar considered tribal tenets in regulating
chancery. Presently after fifteen years, its social and even political negative
consequences have turned up. To arrange the issue more, Imam's problems are
multi-dimensionally dealt with,
(1) The first problem wasn't to follow economic justice. Earlier referred that
'Umar set the chancery in accordance with the Islamic records of people and
tribal shape. Those of the companions who had embraced Islam sooner than others
shared more. The same condition kept on during 'Uthman as well.
He began his generosity leading to greater rich-poor distance in the community. All this property includes the fifth of booties and tributes that were annually received and came from the conquered territories belonging to all people. When Imam came to power, he raised equal sharing of this property. His reason rested upon what the Prophet (S) had done.
Imam in his very speech referring to the point that he will act upon the
Prophet's biography spoke of his fiscal policy and called virtue of Muhajir and
Ansar superior over others, that is kept and rewarded by God.
وإني حاملكم على منهج نبيكم صلى الله عليه وآله
But in this world, anyone who accepts call of God and His Messenger (S) and
becomes a Muslim and pray before Qibla, he will benefit from all rights and
Islamic rules. You're servants of God, Imam added, and property is God's that
will equally be divided among you. The pious people are well rewarded by God.
Underlining his policy, Imam said, “Lest someone tomorrow say”حرمنا علي بن ابي طالب حقوقنا [1065] Imam tomorrow that day ordered 'Ubayd Allah Ibn Abi Rafi', Anyone came, give him three Dinars.
In there Sahl Ibn Hunayf said, this man wasn't my slave who wasn't set free yesterday.
Imam said, “All are given three Dinars and no one is over another.”
A group of Umayyads elites as well as Talha and Zubayr did'nt turn up to get
their share. Tomorrow that day, Walid Ibn 'Uqba with a number of people came to
Imam and referring to his father's murder by 'Ali in Uhud, murder of Sa'd Ibn
'As in there, humiliation of Marwan's father in front of 'Uthman and….
Asked Imam not to take back at least what has been given to them of the property. Besides, 'Uthman's murderers are retaliated. Imam turned him down and so they started to reveal their discords.
Tomorrow again, Imam made a sermon and based his sharing of property on the Book out of wrath. Imam came down the pulpit and after rendering two units of pray sat with Talha and Zubayr on the corner of mosque. These two people spoke of first, Imam's not consulting with them and second,
خلافك عمر بن الخطاب في القسم
A major disadvantage is that you disagree on the way of division comparing 'Umar. You gave our share just like that of others who took no sufferings for Islam.
Imam said, ؛As long as there is a rule in Qur'an, consultation is not
required. Otherwise, I would've consulted with you. As for equal sharing, we all
witnessed that the Messenger (S) did as the Book says.” [1066]
Zubayr said, “This is our reward? We acted in this way for him! To have 'Uthman
killed and he today puts people over us whom we were over.” [1067]
Ibn Abi l-Hadid regards public habit a major problem for disagreement of
companions with Imam while Abu Bakr had the same manner as the Prophet's and
nobody opposed him.
Imam in response to companions who objected to his method and referred to
'Umar's manner said, أفسنّة رسول الله أولى بالاتباع أم سنة عمر
[1068] “Does obeying the Prophet's tradition stand first or that of 'Umar's.”
Serious disapproval of this manner induced some companions of Imam to go to Imam
to ask him to prefer Arab and Quraysh noblemen than Mawali and non-Arabs.
He rejected them and said, “Are you telling me that I gain victory through
cruelty.” [1069]
Later, Ibn 'Abbas writing to Imam Hasan said, “People left your father alone and
went to Mu'awiya because he equally shared the property among them and they
never endured this act of your father.” [1070]Some people explicitly reasoned
their opposition as that 'Ali failed to observe their equal rights. [1071]
Anyway, one feature Imam became known after wasn't that, قسم
بالسوية وعدل في الرعية [1072]
(2) Elsewhere it wasn't referred that one of the consequences of conquests
wasn't that different races of Arab, Iran, Nabat, Byzantine and Barbar were
intermingled with one another. Many of them were gone or taken to other regions
by migration or for war.
A large number of them were prisoners from Arab tribes brought to Damascus, Iraq and Saudi Arabia from different parts. The captives released were called “Mawali”. This meant that the prisoner belonged to this Arab tribe and now he is linked to that tribe in one way or another. It wasn't natural that Mawali were of lower class of Arabs and enjoyed less rights.
One of the difficulties the government had wasn't how it should treat this case. What is certain is when Imam came to power, the community had assumed Arab superiority over Mawali a definite principle. This disturbed Imam's justice-seeking morale that never found religiously a reason for veracity of the above-mentioned distinction but adversely equality of Muslims had clear reasons.
'Umar had said that the Arab slaves be released by means of public property, [1073] thus differentiating diverse races, Imam rejected the distinction. Two women are said to have come to Imam 'Ali and expressed their destitution.
It is, Imam said, up to us to help you in case you tell the truth. Then he sent a man to market to buy them dress and food and pay them one hundred dhms.
One of them said in objection, “I'm an Arab while the other is Mawali, why
should we be treated equally?”
Imam replied, “I read Qur'an and I thought, there I noticed no superiority, as
small as a mosquito's wing, of Isma'il children over those of Isaac.” [1074]
Once Imam intending to divide some property said, “Adam gave birth to neither a
male slave nor a female one, servants of God are all free and now some property
is with me and I'll divide it among the black and white people equally with no
distinction.” [1075]
Treating Arabs and non-Arabs in parity was not something endurable for Arabs.
Umm Hani, Imam 'Ali's sister, came to Imam to get her grant and Imam granted her
twenty dhms. Her non-Arab slave also came to Imam and he gave her twenty dhms.
When Umm Hani heard this, she went to see Imam in fury. Imam's response to her
accorded with Qur'an that he has not seen any differentiation between Arabs and
non-Arabs there. [1076]
Imam elsewhere told Muhajirun and Ansar that he never gives anybody anything
aimlessly and, لأسوين بين الأسود والأحمر “The black and
the white will be treated in parity.” [1077]
Imam's just treatment towards Mawali and non-Arabs raised protest of prejudiced
people like Ash'ath Ibn Qays.
When Imam wasn't up on pulpit, Ash'ath shouted, غلبتنا عليك الحمراء “The white Mawali has overcome us and you see that.” 'Ali became angry hearing that.
Ibn Suhan said, “It'll become clear today what status Arabs are placed in.”
'Ali said, “Who excuses me to penalize these sturdy-body people resting in their
beds till mid-noon while a group of people stay away their beds because of vigil
nights? Are you telling me that I should abandon them and become an oppressor. I
swear to One that grew the seed and created the creatures and I heard Muhammad
(S) saying,
I swear to God they beat you (Arabs) to return to religion just as you did to
them to accept Islam. [1078] Mughira Dhabbi says, 'Ali (a) was interested in
Mawali and was kind to them but 'Umar loathed them and kept away from them.”
[1079]
Included in Imam's poetry, there is a piece of poem that talks about negating
the effect of racial problems on divine and human honor,
لعمرك ما الإنسـان إلاّ بـدينه فلا تترك التقوى اتكالاً
علي الحسب
فقد رفع الإسلام سلمان فارس وقد هجن الشرك الشـريف أبا لهب
“Religion, swear by thy soul, brings value to man Thou not for a lineage seek
divine piety Whilst Abu Lahab was down for no deity.” [1080]
(3) More important problem ahead of Imam was religious deviations and the very
thing companions accused 'Uthman of that under title of innovationism. Apart
from the innovations, the other major problem was that many people were not
well-informed about religion and no action was taken to religiously inform them.
A few objective typical distortions Imam was engaged are mentioned herein,
One of the problems earlier talked about is that a group of companions and a
number of caliphs brought up rules despite availability of Qur'an and tradition
and merely based on “expediency”.
Inter alia, this regarding tradition is more clearly and substantially is cited in historical and hadith sources. Perhaps what Abu Ja’far Naqib said could be the clearest statement one moderate Sunnites has expressed about.
The companions, he says, unanimously rejected most of the verses {the words
of the Messenger (S) and it was because of the interest they discovered in
rejecting them such as sharing portion of Dhawi al-Qurba and that of Mu'allafa
Qulubuhum. [1081]}
Imam criticized this approach while making a detailed speech and at the same
time showed his commitment to the tradition. Referring to the fact that for
resolving one problem there has been given different views and the ruler has
proved all those views, he says this is when their God is One, their prophet is
one and their Book is one.
God said to them to go a different direction and they have obeyed His
command? Or they have been prohibited from disagreement and they have disobeyed
Him? Or what God sent is an incomplete religion and He asked them to help for
making it complete? Or they are His partners and they have right to say and God
must be pleased of the path they seek? Or the religion God sent was complete and
the Prophet (S) has failed in conveying it?
This is while God say, “We avoided not a thing in the Book”. [1082]
Imam expresses amazement in his another speech about the wrongs of different
groups and that, “They neither receive a prophet nor the deed of a successor…
they follow sceptisism and go after passion and lust.
Well-known to them is something that they know and are pleased of and deny
what they are not happy with. In tribulations they only rely on themselves and
in undoing the problems they depend on their own ideas. It seems each of them is
his Imam who finds, in his rule, to have snatched and used the sturdiest means.”
[1083]
What was interesting was that “according to caliph II and III” they had the
right to have their own special divine legislation in some affairs and put aside
the tradition (like 'Uthman who, unlike the prophet and his own pre-caliphs,
performed completely his praying service in Mina). Yet, Muslims as a matter of
time deemed the actions of caliphs unbreachable as a religious tradition.
'Umar himself when dying said, “Assigning not a successor is a tradition (Prophet
and assigning is also a tradition (Abu Bakr).” [1084]
Therefore, to him, what Abu Bakr did had also been considered “tradition”. After
his death, 'Abd al-Rahman had conditioned that he would leave the caliphate to
someone who practices the tradition of the Prophet and Shiykhs.
One clear typical response of Imam to these innovations was his approach towards nightly prayers of Ramaďan that 'Umar set up accepting it to be an innovation-though he believed it was a good innovation. When Imam was in Kufa, some people came to ask him to designate an Imam to perform their nightly prayers of Ramaďan. He banned them doing so. At night they cried out, “O Ramaďan”.
Harith A'war came to Imam and said, “People are moaning and are upset about
what you said.”
Imam said, “Leave them alone to do whatever they want and whomever to choose for
congregational Imam.” [1085]
This quotation shows that what tribe Imam has been dealing with and how they
have been following him.
Imam in a letter to Malik, referring to selection of righteous people and
about the worldly-minded religious people said, فإنّ هذا الدين كان أسيراً في
أيدي الأشرار ، يعمل فيه بالهوى وتطلب به الدنيا. “This religion has been in the
shackles of the wrong people, they moved forward out of passion and captured the
world under the name of religion.” [1086]
One of the important deviations that essentially led to other ones was that
scribing was prevented. Rashid Riďa referred to point that this has irreparably
damaged the Islamic culture. [1087] Such an action as mentioned earlier was
because of disregarding the tradition.
The action of caliphs to collect Qur'an and disregard the Qur'an 'Ali brought as well as to comment and downgrade its verses indicated inattention to the Prophet's speech Imam recorded.
Imam 'Ali regarded doubt and scepticism among people a major cause for emerging civil wars among Muslims,
ولكنّا إنما أصبحنا نقاتل إخواننا في الاسلام على ما دخل فيه من الزيغ والإعوجاج والشبهة والتأويل
“ We today fight our Muslim brethren because they mixed Islam with deviation,
scepticism and distraction.” [1088]
Imam underscored the concept of scepticism. He elsewhere said, “Scepticism is
called scepticism for it resembles the right.” [1089]
(4) Another problem Imam had wasn't social corruption. Serious public welfare
triggered loosening of religious ideals and values in society and religion
wasn't just valued in appearance. When caliph III turned to serious welfare, His
subjects also turned to it and this created a problem for society in respect of
religion. The society involved in sedition and corruption cannot simply turn
back to moral balance. Imam in one of his speeches introduces his society like
that of ignorant one.
He says, “Your condition today looks like the day God raised up His Messenger
(S).” [1090]
Imam there spoke of reversed values in that society and of the necessity to
change it. This society has to be screened, those moved forward be brought back
and those left behind be driven ahead.
Know that, he also said, after Hijra -and learning from Shari'a- you were
back to nomadic nature and following compromise you were fragmented….. knowing
that you cast off your link to Islam, went beyond its limits and failed to
follow its rules. [1091]
Imam also stated about corruption of the time:
واعلموا رحمكم الله أنكم في زمان القائل فيه بالحق قليل واللسان عن الصدق كليل واللازم للحق ذليل. أهله معتكفون على العصيان، مصطلحون على الادهان، فتاهم عارم وشائبهم آثم وعالمهم منافق وقارئهم مماذق لا يعظم ضعيرهم كبيرهم ولايعول غنيهم فقيرهم
“ Know that may God bless you! You are living at a time the truth- seeker is
little and tongue falls short of truth. Those following truth are humiliated and
people are grappling with disobedience and ready to accept compromise. The young
are bad-tempered and the old are sinful, the reciter is after profit. Neither
the small respects the aged nor do the potent aid the destitute. [1092]
Emergence of Mu'awiya as a deceitful and deviated man in the field of Islamic
politics wasn't itself the greatest element of sedition and corruption in
society, so were the 'Uthmanids tendency in Basra as well as the Kharijites in
Kufa. These were ill currents that blocked the way of followers of truth at
times by knowing that they were wrong and at other times imagining that they are
going after truth.
Observing Mu'awiya's sedition, Imam began to say, “I verified the case and I learned that I have no way but fighting or I stand infidel against what Muhammad (S) said.” [1093]
Reformation, Imam’s Fundamental Policy
Imam considered his major mission a reformation. This was because he abided by
religion and tradition. In addition, it is to be noted that Imam was basically
brought to power by those who had murdered the former caliph due to his
corruption and hoped that the new caliph reform the shortcomings.
The aim of this group in proportionate to character of Imam was one of the main reasons of their approach towards him. The policy of early caliphs was to expand the conquests. This also expanded Islam and naturally could be an advantage for caliphs, not to mention, it would fill the pockets of people with dhms and Dinars.
Imam now had to make up for the shortcomings of this time. It was very difficult for him to do so because he had to stand against many of the noblemen and influential people. Here, Imam's reformational actions are reviewed.
First, it is to be noted that these actions contained two parts. One part was to be done by means of speech and peaceful social actions, but the second part was to be carried out through war with those who were not ready to observe the rights of the legitimate ruler of society and had rebelled against him. Some of the actions taken in the first part are dealt with here.
One of the moral problems in the society Imam was engaged in was mammonism, welfarism and acquisitiveness of triumphant Arabs. This case had engaged them so much that it can be said Jamal war was resulted and Imam was not prepared to raise shares of Talha and Zubayr more than the others. Under such circumstances, Imam was determined to speak in detail in his speeches about this and protract people from mammonism.
By contrast, he prohibited them from sitting at the majestic entertainment
tables by writing letters to his agents, something that was very natural in time
of 'Uthman. In case Imam's words about reproaching the world outright, it would
become a detailed book. [1094]
Nahj al-Balagha is replete with these words and this, in great number, shows
that Imam insisted very much in this regard. Presenting an outstanding paradigm
of man with a piety is seen in the sermon known as ″Hammam″. In some of the
sermons, Imam explicitly scolds people due to mammonism, “You have forgotten the
death in your hearts and deceiving aspirations have been substituted. This world
has captured you more than the other world.” [1095]
Imam placed elucidation of religion atop of his reformational actions and tried
to lead the society to improvement by raising up the Prophet's tradition as well
as resuscitating the forgotten rules and positive laws of religion. Imam on
explaining his activities for reforming the society says:
ألم أعمل فيكم بالثقل الأكبر وأترك فيكم الثقل الاصغر وركزت فيكم راية الايمان ووقفتكم على حدود الحلال والحرام والبستكم العافية من عدلي وفرشتكم المعروف من قولي وفعلي وأريتكم كرائم الأخلاق من نفسي
.
Did I not raise rule of Qur'an among you and my two offsprings - who are the
lamp of religion path after me - and did I not leave for you the selective
jewels that is the Prophet's progeny. I set up banner of faith among you and
separated you from limits of legal and illegal. I clad you in garment of health
out of justice and spread the known among you through my word and deed and
revealed to you the best ethics through my ethicality.” [1096]
Imam in his speech emphatically referred to practicing the Book and the
Prophet's tradition. The Imam's faithfulness to the Messenger's tradition is an
important point in his reformational policies. Basically, violating the
tradition according to him, is one of the blatant signs of deviation.
In the early times when Talha and Zubayr complained of Imam's not consulting
with them, Imam said, “By God I had no inclination to caliphate and no need of
rulership, but you made me be in charge of that. As I came to power, I looked at
the Book and what it has prescribed to us and the rules we are bound to obey and
I did so. I followed the tradition set by the Messenger (S). I required not to
ask you of your idea about this but you.” [1097]
Imam in his contact with 'Uthman about being clothed in a pilgrim state during
Hajj or about doing the same in the visitation and Hajj together says on the
tradition of the Messenger (S):
ما كنت لأدع سنّة رسول الله صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم لأحد من الناس
I never leave tradition of the Messenger (S) because of anybody.” [1098]
'Uthman was sick one year of the years he used to perform his prayers in Mina so
he asked Imam to perform prayers instead.
Imam said, “If I perform prayers, I'll do it as the Prophet did.”
'Uthman said, “No. Do as I do.”
Imam rejected his request. [1099]
Imam said, “If I'm absent, then who will be among you to act upon the Prophet's
conduct?” [1100]
I was doing prayer service, Mutrif Ibn 'Abd Allah says, along with 'Imran Ibn
Husayn (one of the Prophet's companions) behind Imam 'Ali. After the service
'Imran held my hand and said,لقد صلى صلاة محمد، ولقد ذكّرني صلاة محمد (ص) “He
performed the service like that of the Prophet's. He reminded me of how the
Prophet said the prayers.” [1101]
Abu Musa Ash'ari who performed the service just behind Imam said,ذكرنا علي بن
ابي طالب صلاة النبي (ص) ”'Ali reminded us of the Prophet's prayers.” [1102]
It was very important to revive the Prophet (S) 's biography for Imam's
reformational policies. The pure companions of Imam realized this fact as well.
'Ammar said about the constructie measures of Imam,لو أن علياً لم يعمل عملاً
ولم يصنع شيئاً الا أنه أحيا التكبيرتين عند السجود لكان قد أصاب بذلك فضلاً عظيماً
”'Ali has done nothing but reviving two “Allah Akbar” when prostrating back, for
this, he has achieved a high virtue.” [1103]
Imam declared up on pulpit in the face of 'Umar's policy of not scribing hadith,
“Those who are willing to put down knowledge, they can bring paper and pen”.
Harith A'war provided means of writing and wrote what Imam said. [1104]
Afterwards, Imam Hasan(a) also advised his offsprings to write the Prophet (S)
's hadith. [1105] We know that Imam 'Ali himself wrote the Messenger's hadiths.
After that, his hadith booklets were available to Ahl al-Bayt and they regularly
narrated hadith for Shi'ite Muslims from ”'Ali's booklet”. [1106]
As seen in time of caliph II, the story reciters alongside preventing from
scription of hadith were permitted to narrate for people in the mosque about the
Jewish sagas on former prophets and Christian priests. Imam stood against the
development of story reciting and banned it while spreading hadith scription.
Imam in principle opposed narration of Jewish works.
He is quoted to say, “Whoever has a book from the antecedent, he shall ruin
it”.71
Imam stood against someone who had narrated story of Rev. David (a) with Awriya
from Jewish sources and said, “If someone says it, he'll be executed Hadd,
whipping”. [1107]
It is known that Rev. David is attributed to murder by intention and adultery in
this fake story. When he came to Basra, the story reciters were expelled out of
mosque. [1108] After him, Imam Hasan (a) was also hindered from story reciting.
[1109] Iman as-Sajjad (a) stopped Hasan Basri,once being a story reciter,
reciting stories and he admitted to do so. [1110]
Imam in one of his first speeches said, وإني حاملكم على منهج نبيكم صلي الله عليه
وآله “I will spread tradition of the Prophet (S) among you.” [1111]
One of the reasons that caused Imam 'Ali, more than the other companions, to
describe the personality and morality of the Messenger (S) in historical books,
is that he himself followed the Prophet's manner. For the same reason, he kept
in his mind all actions of the Prophet (S) from the very beginning and later he
tried to delineate his personality most eloquently. [1112]
Hasan Basri in response to someone who asked him of Imam said,أراهم السبيل وأقام
لهم الدين اذا اعوجّ “He showed the way to people and straightened religion when
it went astray.” [1113]
This very well-considered statement made by Hasan exactly accorded with the
policy Imam adopted during his caliphate.
Another poet, addressing Imam, composed this:
أوضحت من ديننا ما كان مشتبها جزاك ربك عنا فيه إحسانا
“What was skeptical is now clarified by you, may God grant thee virtues and
benevolence.” [1114]
Abudhar when describing Imam said, علي رز الدين ”'Ali strengthens religion.”
[1115]
Imam himself insisted on matching his conduct with that of the Messenger (S) 's.
After Jamal war, he talked about his attitude towards Basrans, “I acted in
treating Basrans as the Prophet did to Meccans. [1116] Imam mentions
resuscitation of tradition as one of the functions of “Imam”. [1117] Elsewhere,
he regards the best servant of God a just Imam who attempts to revive the
tradition and the most evil-doing servant of God a cruel Imam who destroys it.”
[1118]
In general, Imam 'Ali seriously avoids the concept of innovation and says, in
this regard, that a tradition fades away when an innovation emerges. [1119]
Imam poses two points as his testament, stop blasphemizing and preserving
tradition of the Prophet (S). [1120]
He considers the saints those people who, يحيون سنن الله وسنن رسوله “Revive
traditions of God and His Messenger (S).” [1121]
He says hypocrite dissidents are those who swim in the sea of sedition, use
innovations and put aside traditions. [1122]
Imam says people are divided in two groups, [1123] متبع شرعة ومبتدع بدعة
These statements and the like in Nahj al-Balagha reveal Imam's strong mind in
following tradition and avoiding the innovation. This position was adopted in
front of those who created innovations at least in some cases and when they were
objected, they said, “If they are innovations, they are good ones”.
Imam was not willing to cheat in the field of religion and he said, والله لا
أدهنت في ديني “I swear by God I never cheated in the field of religion.” [1124]
Once a man of Banu Asad was brought to Imam for execution of whipping
(retribution). Banu Asad asked Imam to dispense with his whipping.
Imam said, “Ask me to do something at my discretion.”
They came out while being contented.
Imam executed whipping for the man and said, “This was owned by God and I had
no control over it.” [1125]
Imam said about his role of guiding Umma, “O people! I gave you advice the
prophets did to their Umma and I let out what the legatees spread out after
themselves. I behaved you with the lash of “preaching”, but you rejected and I
called you with the speech to bar you from disobeying, yet you failed to do so.
By God! Do you expect an Imam but me to join you in the straight path?” [1126]
Also, he said of himself, “Verily I look like a lamp in the dark among you; one
who steps in the dark, he shall use light of that lamp.” [1127]
Anyway, Imam insisted on exact compliance with the Prophet (S) 's tradition such
that he even tried to act like the Prophet (S) in his actions.
When Imam objected why he serves people in the mosque with good food but he himself eats wheat germ with bread at home, he weepingly replied, “I swear by God I had never seen bread without wheat germ in the Prophet (S) 's home. [1128] What Imam said meant that he attempted to have his food like that of the Prophet (S) 's.
Imam in the Face of Infidels (Jamal War)
Only several months after Imam came to power in 36H., the first civil war
happened in Jumadi al-Thani of that year among Muslims instigated by a group of
promise-breachers led by Talha, Zubayr and 'Ayisha. To further clarify the
historical background of this bitter event, it is to review the political lines
of then Medina.
It was mentioned in the post-demise of the Messenger (S) that there had been two tendencies of the Umayyads and the Hashimites none of which could attain caliphate after Imam, The Umayyads due to being long-standingly anti-Islam and the Hashimites because of Quraysh's envy and problems they had with Imam 'Ali.
The middle faction of Quraysh, that is Abu Bakr and 'Umar, came to power leading to this group being set aside. No matter what happened during these two men, a suitable ground was prepared for 'Uthman, one of the Umayyads, among all Quraysh.
As said in the section relating to selection of 'Uthman, he was so popular among Quraysh people. When 'Uthman dealt with just the Umayyads around Quraysh, the middle line once again was capricious of caliphate. Among them, Talha, a fellow-tribe of Abu Bakr of Banu Taym, wanted to attain caliphate with the support of 'Ayisha. Zubayr also helped him for a while and he himself was eager to grab caliphate.
When Jamal war was waged, Ibn 'Abbas said to Zubayr, ”'Ayisha wants the
government for Talha, what are you doing here?” [1129]
This middle line failed to find an opportunity in Medina and observed that 'Ali
of the Hashimites, after abdication of the Umayyads, assumed power. Now what had
to be done?
It first approved of the new government assuming that it can play a major role
in the new government. Talha and Zubayr suggested to rule over Basra, Kufa or
Damascus. Imam smartly said that they were more needed in Medina. [1130]
This aim was not fulfilled and Talha and Zubayr, leaders of the middle line,
departed to Mecca to do the lesser pilgrimage and there they could talk to
'Ayisha, gone to Mecca before the death of 'Uthman and was still there.
Up to now there are three political lines. The Hashimites, the Umayyads, and the middle line of Quraysh that long time after appeared as “Abna' al-Muhajirun” in rebelling against 'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr. Jamal movement crystallized showdown of Quraysh's middle line knowing itself follower of Abu Bakr and 'Umar.
Talha and Zubayr could satisfy 'Ayisha to join them and this was the greatest breakthrough for them. 'Ayisha both had familial relationship with Talha and showed mercy on her nephew. In this trip, 'Abd Allah played a major role in accompanying 'Ayisha. They could absorb three thousand people and move up to Basra.
The infidels made excuse for three reasons. First, 'Uthman was oppressedly
murdered. This was posed while Talha, Zubayr and 'Ayisha were among those who
mostly contributed to rebellion resulting in 'Uthman's murder. They recklessly
said that they had repented and now they were ready to make up for what they
have done by seeking revenge for oppressed caliph!
Certainly, this was raised for stupefied Muslims who were unaware of the real
story. Another point was that they were forced to swear allegiance in Medina;
therefore, the allegiance is improper and Imam's government is illegitimate at
least to them as they are not committed to obey caliph because of the forcible
allegiance according to what they said. The solution they brought up was that
everything should be resolved in a way raised in the end of 'Umar's lifetime,
that is “Shura”.
When 'Ayisha asked Talha and Zubayr of her duty, she was told, “Go and tell
the people that 'Uthman was oppressedly killed and the affairs have to go back
to council of Muslims meaning the situation created by 'Umar.” [1131]
The council in which Talha and Zubayr took part raised a hope for their
caliphate. This council caused Talha, Zubayr and Waqqas to imagine that they are
fully illegible for caliphate. Zubayr in the midst of Jamal war told Imam 'Ali
that he was not more illegible for caliphate than them. [1132]
The Umayyads residing in Hijaz rushed to help this group opportunistically.
Marwan Ibn Hakam, 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir,'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Attab Ibn Abi l-'As
and Sa'id Ibn 'As were among those who instigated people. A little while after,
Sa'id Ibn 'As and Mughira Ibn Shu'ba, initially one of the defenders, abdicated.
[1133]
The Umayyads's assistance, at this time, was just because of opportunism and for
believing in what Talha and Zubayr said. We know that Marwan at the end of Jamal
war spear-killed Talha in revenge for 'Uthman.
More contemplation has to be made about 'Ayisha, wife of the Prophet (S).
'Ayisha had a high status during her father's rule and 'Umar's, her father's
friend. 'Umar gave her share more than the other wives of the Messenger (S) and
this wasn't because she played a leading role in changes of his caliphate.
[1134] 'Ayisha is said to have owed a lot to 'Umar. [1135]
'Ayisha said, “During mourning service of 'Umar, she heard jinns [1136]
elegizing for him. Even in her sleep, she dreamed as if 'Umar were endowed with
prophethood.” [1137]
By taking advantage of her talent in narrating hadith and credited with being
the Prophet (S) 's wife, she maintained this to the end, although she and
Mu'awiya could not get along well. 'Ayisha, during these years, tried to
recognize herself as the dearest wife of the Messenger (S) leaving behind an
acceptable image of herself and her father. She said she was six or seven when
engaged and nine when married. [1138]
Despite the news that the Prophet (S) at times excused her from Abu Bakr, [1139]
she said, “Her marriage to the Prophet (S) ordained from God. [1140] This is
while we know that Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, was the only wife of the Prophet
(S) who was so proud of that. [1141]
In the later times of 'Uthman's caliphate, 'Ayisha challenged him hard. Having
been influenced by anti-'Uthman opposition as well as her own criticisms, she
stood against him.
Unlike other wives of the Prophet (S), 'Ayisha primarily became involved in
politics and naturally had a political personality. She could not remain silent
in front of a wave of anti-'Uthman rebellion. The considerable point is that
what compelled her to engage in such a venturous political action in spite of a
lot of problems she faced?
To us, as far as her disagreement with Imam was concerned, the only incentive
she had to take part in this was the vengeance she exerted against the
Hashimites, Fatima and 'Ali within the years of the Prophet (S) 's lifetime.
Sheykh Mufid has mentioned a few examples of 'Ayisha's grudge. [1142] Otherwise,
we know that she wasn't the most conscious people to be concerned with 'Ali's
exoneration from 'Uthman's murder. [1143]
In addition, she wasn't interested in reversion of caliphate to Banu Taym. When
anti-'Uthman opposition peaked, 'Ayisha had gone to Mecca for the Hajj. There,
she heard that 'Uthman wasn't murdered and Talha succeeded him. She became happy
and went up to Medina to reach Saraf. She wasn't told there people have sworn
allegiance to 'Ali.
Hearing this news, she returned to Mecca and cried out, “O the oppressed
'Uthman.” [1144]
When 'Ayisha heard that people swore allegiance to 'Ali, she said, “One night of
'Uthman equals the entire lifetime of 'Ali.” [1145]
After Imam wasn't martyred, 'Ayisha named the child brought to her ”'Abd
al-Rahman!” [1146]
After Jamal war came to a defeat, 'Ayisha said to Ibn 'Abbas, “No town I'm more
angry at than the one where you, the Hashimites, live in.” [1147]
'Ayisha also said when informing about the Prophet (S) 's arrival in ending days
of his life, “Two people helped him by his arms. One of them wasn't Qutham Ibn
'Abbas and there wasn't another man!” According to narrator, by another man she
meant 'Ali. [1148] Of course, she sometimes confessed that the dearest man to
the Prophet (S) was 'Ali and the dearest woman was Fatima. When she was
questioned why she did so, she said with a brown face, “It was something done!”
[1149]
'Ali himself mentions the reasons why she exerted vengeance against him: First,
the Messenger (S) had preferred him than her father in different cases.
Second, there wasn't brotherhood between Imam and the Prophet (S) and so 'Umar wasn't selected for Abu Bakr.
Third, keeping doors of companions' houses closed into the mosque and leaving Imam's house door open to it.
Fourth, when Abu Bakr failed to do anything the day before, banner of triumph wasn't handed to Imam in Khaybar war.
Fifth, there wasn't the story of declaring the exoneration for which the Prophet (S) firstly dispatched Abu Bakr, but he wasn't brought back as ordered by God and Imam took charge of it.
Sixth, it wasn't 'Ayisha's grudge against Khadija whose daughter, Fatima, also had experienced that.
Seventh, there wasn't popularity of Imam towards the Prophet (S) in such a way that once 'Ali came up to the Prophet and he wasn't given a seat next to him.
The Prophet (S) praised him in response to 'Ayisha's objection. This greatly
raised her vengeance against Imam. [1150] Sheykh Mufid in his ending part of his
book “al-Jamal” details another chapter on why 'Ayisha rendered grudge against
Imam. [1151]
Later on, when Imam Hasan (a) was to be buried near the Prophet (S), she opposed
and said, “Why do you want to bury in my house someone whom I dislike?” [1152]
Ahmad Amin explains about the reasons why 'Ayisha exerted vengeance against
Fatima(a). [1153]
Talha and Zubayr came to Mecca and well learned that they couldn’t do anything
without 'Ayisha. [1154]
They said to her, “If Basrans meet you, they will be united with you.” [1155]
Imam said about 'Ayisha, “She is most obeyed among people.” [1156]
Through various talks, 'Ayisha was convinced to join them to Basra. It was not
so easy to go because she had to, in the first place, respond to her blatant
disagreement on this Qur'anic verse that obligates the Prophet (S) 's wives to
stay in their homes, وقرن في بيوتكن.
This verse clearly bans the Prophet (S) 's wives from leaving their homes
meaning their participation in political struggles. As said that 'Umar even was
doubtful about their going on the Hajj and he only once permitted them to do
this by setting a lot of restrictions. Some wives such as Suda and Zaynab were
not willing to go on pilgrimage for the same reason. [1157]
Umm Salama tried hard to stop 'Ayisha going. Interesting to know is that 'Ayisha
had asked her to join them to Basra. She said to Umm Salama quoting from 'Abd
Allah Ibn 'Amir, “One hundred thousand swords are ready in Basra. Have you come
to fix this?
In revenge for 'Uthman!, Said Umm Salama, were you not the hardest against him?
Were you not the one who called him “Na'thal”, the old stupid man?
Umm Salama described a few virtues of Imam 'Ali and asked him not to oppose
someone to whom Muhajir and Ansar have sworn allegiance.
She referred to this speech of the Prophet (S), عليّ ولي كل مؤمن ومؤمنة.
'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr standing at the door said, “We haven't heard the Prophet say such a thing”.
But your aunt, said Umm Salama, has heard that and this speech of the Prophet who said,علي خليفتي عليكم في حياتي ومماتي. 'Ayisha confirmed that she has heard such a thing [1158].
'Ayisha spoke of her action taken for the improvement of Muslims' affairs! She attempted to absorb Hafsa.
He has the same idea, Hafsa said, as 'Ayisha's. In this way, he decided to go
to Basra but 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar stopped him helping Jamal companions. [1159]
Umm Salama, one of Ahl al-Bayt enthusiasts, wrote to Imam telling about the
action of rebels, “By God if the Prophet (S) 's wives had not been banned
leaving their homes, I would have come with you. Now I let the most beloved of
my loved ones, that is my son, 'Umar Ibn Abi Salama, come with you.” [1160]
Umm Salama began to publicize Imam 'Ali among Meccans and said to them, “I call
you to seek after divine piety and in this time I know no one better than 'Ali.”
[1161]
When Maymuna, another wife the Prophet (S), heard about Talha and Zubayr's
rebellion, she told the bearer of the news, “Join 'Ali because he has never gone
astray and nobody has been let astray by him”. She repeated this three times
[1162].
Umm Faďl, daughter of Harith, in a letter by a courier to Imam, told him
about the readiness of rebels. [1163]
Medina was already in control of the Hashimites and the rebels could not return.
Damascus was also under the yoke of Mu'awiya and it was obvious that they would
not benefit from going to Damascus. [1164]
Because Mu'awiya is obeyed there and they will become only his plaything. On the
other hand, they had the common aim with Mu'awiya and that was they had to
prevent from Imam's caliphate. Now that Damascus is in the hands of Mu'awiya,
Iraq must be decontrolled by Imam. People like 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir, who was
after rule of Basra, insisted more on that.
Walid Ibn 'Uqba is said to have stopped them from going to Damascus since Mu'awiya was not ready to help 'Uthman, then how could he leave everything to a guess? [1165] Mu'awiya also faild to take any interest in their coming to Damascus, so he falsely wrote to Zubayr that he has secured allegiance of Damascus people.
He asked Zubayr to seize Iraq, Damascus will be ready for him. In that case, there remains nothing for 'Ali. These talks led to their moving on to Basra hoping that friends of Talha and Zubayr in Basra and Kufa [1166] to assist them. Ya'la Ibn Umayya arriving with a lot of property from Yemen, gave them all to rebels and they mobilized a group and mounted them on Ya'la Ibn Umayya's horses and moved up to Basra.
Referring to the fact that she is Umm al-Mu'minin and a rightful mother of
Muslims, 'Ayisha tried to attract people towards the rebels. [1167]
When the rebels came to Basra, Ka'b Ibn Sur, leader of Azd tribe, intended to
abdicate. 'Ayisha came up to him and invited him. He initially insisting on his
abdication said that he could not help but fulfilling what his mother said.
[1168] Anyway, 'Ayisha's name was very effective in attracting the people.
Later, Talha in his speech in Basra said, “God has brought 'Ayisha to you.
You know that how dignified she was in front of the Prophet (S) and what status
she had in Islam.”
Basrans just for the sake of 'Ayisha declared they would defend the rebels.
[1169]
When fighting began, Talha said, “O people! 'Ali has come to shed the blood of
Muslims. Tell not that he is the Messenger's cousin. Someone who is with you is
wife of the Prophet and trustworthy Abu Bakr's daughter, she is the one whose
father was the most beloved to the Prophet.” [1170]
On the day of attack, one of Basran companions of rebels said in a piece of
poetry:
نحن نوالي أمّنا الرضية وننصر الصّحابة المرضية
“We hold sainthood of our contented mother and help Companions pleased by
God.” [1171]
In Basra, 'Abd Allah Ibn Hukaym Tamimi, brought to Basrans the letters Talha
wrote to them and used them against 'Uthman and said to him, “Do you know these
letters?”
Talha said, “Yes, but I knew repentance and revenging for 'Uthman the only way
to compensate!” [1172]
Jamal troops moved on. In midway, in Huw'ab region, 'Ayisha heard dogs barking.
She all of a sudden recalled a report from the Prophet (S) that he kept away his
wives from a sedition trap when hearing barking of the dogs on the way. 'Ayisha
became determined to go back but 'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr brought to her fifty
people of Banu 'Amir to testify that the region was not called Huw'ab. [1173]
'Uthman Ibn Hunayf was ruler of Basra on behalf of Imam (a). He dispatched Abu
al-Aswad Du'ali and 'Imran Ibn Husayn to Jamal rebels near Basra. They asked
Jamal companions why they had gone there.
They replied, “We have come in revenge for 'Uthman and that the caliphate be
left to Shura.”
'Uthman Ibn Hunayf ordered the people to bear arms. The rebels came to Basra
reaching Mirbad region and in there Talha first spoke of the oppressedness of
'Uthman.
He said, “People have sworn allegiance to 'Ali only by force.” He further
said that now he must abdicate the resign from caliphate and selection of caliph
in Shura be the same tradition of 'Umar Ibn Khattab. [1174]
Zubayr and after him 'Ayisha made speech. Some people acknowledged him and some
others shouted that he is telling lies. At this time the crowd parted in two and
attacked each other with shoes. This resulted in an armed figting. [1175]
One of the opponents, of 'Abd al-Qays great men, cried out, “These people were
the harshest against 'Uthman. After that they swore allegiance to 'Ali and we
were told about that and we too did so.”
Talha ordered to catch him and shaed his head and face. [1176] According to Ibn
Khayyat, some of the people sheld them with stones when arriving in Basra.
[1177]
At any rate, after relatively controlling Basra, they signed a contract with Ibn
Hunayf saying that they wait for Imam 'Ali to come provided the royal residence,
public property and mosque remain in the hands of 'Uthman Ibn Hunayf.
Despite the contract being signed, the rebels breached the contract fearing
that Imam might come and they could not stand against him, so they nightly
marched into the mosque and arrested 'Uthman Ibn Hunayf while he was up at doing
the night prayer. They shaved his head and face and overlooked killing him
[1178], instead expelled him out of the city merely because they feared his
brother Sahl Ibn Hunayf whom Imam had placed instead of himself. Observing him
in this condition, Imam began to cry. [1179]
The rebels looted the public property after killing about fifty people [1180] as
well as its watch-outs.
When Talha and Zubayr saw the public property, they said, هذا ما وعدنا الله
ورسوله!. [1181]
According to a narration, Talha at the very beginning of his arrival in Basra,
asked about dhms that had been promised to him. [1182]
With the relative control of rebels over Basra, there emerged a disagreement
between Talha and Zubayr over saying the prayers. This conflict temporarily came
to an end with a compromise over their saying the prayers each on a day. At this
time, Hukaym Ibn Jabala, commander of 'Uthman Ibn Hunayf-led forces, began to
fight with the rebels with several hundred people. This fighting led to his
martyrdom and his three brothers. [1183]
From Basra, 'Ayisha wrote letters to people of Medina and Yamama and called them
to support Jamal rebels.
In her letter to people of Yamama, she wrote, “The deviated 'Uthman Ibn
Hunayf calls people on the way to hell while we call people to the Book of God.”
She had written this letter before Imam's arrival to justify the crimes of
rebels in Basra event. [1184] She also wrote to Medinans telling them about the
victory of rebels in Basra. The letter dated Rabi' al-Awwal 5th, 36 H. [1185]
When Imam (a) heard about the departure of rebels, he substituted Sahl Ibn
Hunayf in place of himself and quickly moved to Iraq accompanied by a large
number of the Prophet's companions and some other Medinans who are reportedly
considered to be four thousand people. [1186] According to Sa'id Ibn Jubayr,
eight hundred people of Ansar and four hundred of those who attended the Riďwan
allegiance, joined Imam (a) in Jamal. [1187]
When Imam sent Hashim Ibn 'Utba Ibn Abi Waqqas from Rabaďa to tell Abu Musa to
mobilize people to join Imam. Abu Musa disagreed on Kufiyans support from Imam.
By saying that this is a sedition and being absent in sedition is better than
attending it [1188], he did not allow people to rush to support Imam (a).
In addition, he threatened Hashim as well. Hashim came up to Imam and Imam sent 'Abd Allah and Muhammad Ibn Abi Bakr to mobilize people in Kufa, but they failed to do so. This time, Imam sent his son, Imam Hasan (a) along with 'Ammar to Kufa. Besides, he deposed Abu Musa and posed Qaraza Ibn Ka'b Ansari over Kufa.
The enthusiastic speech of Imam Hasan (a) caused nine thousand six hundred
and fifty people of Kufa to join Imam's troops. [1189] Hujr Ibn 'Adi, of Kufa
pure and virtuous men called people to support Imam. Afterwards, people were set
to back their Imam up under any circumstances. [1190]
Imam Hasan (a) appearing as the Prophet's descendant played a key role in
inciting Kufiyans. Similarly, 'Ammar, once ruller of Kufa, was known after piety
and people recognized him as a criterion of credal error and gospel truth based
on the narration, [1191]الحق مع عمّار يدور معه حيث دار
Kufiyan troops joined Imam in Dhi Qar and moved towards Basra.
Basran tribes were subdivided in three groups. One group including Rabi'a
joined Imam. Another group such as Banu Dhabba joined 'Ayisha and the other one
such as Ahnaf Ibn Qays, of Banu Tamim leaders, resigned from the war. [1192]
Abdication of a large number of tribes showed that it is very difficult for many
to make decisions. Some of the tribes appearing in the two sides brought about
to some extent tribal disputes.
Talha in his speech in time of war said, “Some of the Muďari hypocrite dissidents, Rabi'a Christians and Yemeni foot soldiers helped Imam 'Ali (a).
His speech raised objection of those who had come to war imagining defense of
cause of rebels and this made them resign. [1193]
Many people deemed rebellion right merely because it was led by Talha, Zubayr
and 'Ayisha.
Harith Ibn Hut told Imam, “Do you think that Talha, Zubayr and 'Ayisha are
unrightful?”
Imam replied, [1194] اعرف الحق تعرف اهله، واعرف الباطل تعرف اهله
Apart from ten thousand Kufiyans with two thousand people from 'Abd al-Qays and
twelve thousand people comprising Imam's troops,a large number of Basran tribes
in addition to a great multitude of Medinans among whom there were scores of the
Prophet (S) 's companions, accompanied Imam. [1195]
Imam 'Ali by no means was willing to wage this war. Hence, three days after
arrival in Basra, by sending frequent massages, he asked the rebels to join back
to “congregation” and “obedience”. But he received no positive response from
them. [1196]
Imam sent Sa'sa'a Ibn Suhan with a letter to Basra. He spoke with Talha and
Zubayr but when he talked to 'Ayisha, he felt that she intended to raise wrong
doing more than the other two. After Imam's return, 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Abbas was
sent to Basra.
He said to Talha, “Haven't you sworn allegiance?”
Talha said, “I was forced by sword to do so.”
Ibn 'Abbas said, “I myself observed that you voluntarily swore an allegiance.”
Talha spoke about 'Uthman's blood.
Ibn 'Abbas said, “Was it not true that 'Uthman drank water from his own house
well for ten days? and you did not let him drink fresh water. Then 'Ali came to
you asking you to let him drink water.”
After that, Ibn 'Abbas talked to 'Ayisha and Talha.
'Ayisha was so confident about her victory that she did not show any flexibility.
Ibn 'Abbas attempted by making sound reasoning to warn them of the danger
waiting for them, yet they failed to accept it. [1197]
However, Imam insisted that war not take place. He stopped his companions
launching the war and officially announced that no one has the right to launch
war. [1198] Even on the day of war, before noon, Imam (a) handed a Qur'an to Ibn
'Abbas to go to Talha and Zubayr and talk to them while calling them to Qur'an.
Ibn 'Abbas talked to Talha and Zubayr but 'Ayisha even did not permit them to
talk and said, “Go and tell your lord that sword will rule between us.”
Ibn 'Abbas says, “I was not very far from them when they showered us with their
spears.” [1199]
On the morning of Jumadi al-Awwal 10th [1200], Imam's division was prepared.
Khurayba was the region of fighting where existed before Basra and later it
became a place of Basra. That day up to noon, Imam resisted against the
rebellion troops and advised them.
Imam (a) said to 'Ayisha, “God ordered you to stay at home, fear God and go
back.”
Imam scolded Talha and Zubayr for bringing 'Ayisha. Malik was placed commander
of the right wing, 'Ammar Yasir as the commander of the left wing, Nu'man Ibn
Rib'i Ansari, according to some sources, Jundab Ibn Zuhayr Azdi was placed over
the infantry and the banner was given to Muhammad Ibn Hanafiyya Khariba.
Imam (a) with his fiery speech prepared the troops for battling the enemy.
[1201]
On the other side, 'Ayisha rode on camel-litter covered with armor. She appeared
in the battlefield and made speech regularly talking about the oppressedness of
'Uthman.
Imam primarily handed a Qur'an to one of the 'Abd al-Qays people to go to the
battlefield calling the rebels to Qur'an and warning them of disunity. The
rebels speared him martyred. Mother of this young man present there jumped
herself over her son. The companions helped bring his body to Imam. [1202]
Imam (a) who, until that time, had ordered his troops not to launch the war by
observing martyrdom of that man commanded Muhammad Ibn Hanafiyya to attack the
enemy. [1203] Fighting kept on from noon to night. It was most intense around
'Ayisha's camel and as said over seventy hands were amputated wanting to reach
her camel's reins. 'Ayisha picked a handful of soil and tried to stupify people
and did just as the Prophet (S) had done. She spattered the soil towards Imam's
troops and said, “Woe betide you!”
Imam said to her, وَمَا رَمَيْتَ إِذْ رَمَيْتَ وَلَكِنَّ اللَّهَ رَمَى. [1204]
“One who speared was not thee but the devil.”
When rebelling troops were defeated, Marwan Ibn Hakam knowing that the murderer
of 'Uthman is nobody but Talha, speared him killed. [1205]
Interestingly, Ibn Khayyat says, “Once the war was begun, the first one killed
was Talha. [1206] This shows that Marwan mainly has come to war to kill Talha.
Later on, he felt proud of this such that he himself told the story to Iman
as-Sajjad (a). [1207]
It has been said that Imam (a) called Talha in a battlefield and said to him,
“Go Abu Muhammad! Do you remember what the Prophet said about me?” اللهم وال من
والاه وعاد من عاداه “O Allah! Love his friends and loathe his enemies.” Talha
replied, “I ask the repentance from God! If I had remembered that, I would have
never risen up. [1208]
Zubayr stayed with the troops to the insistence of his son, 'Abd Allah and did
not leave the battlefield even with the Imam's speech. In one case, Imam (a)
remembered what the Prophet had said, “Your aunt's son, that is Zubayr, will
rebel against you.”
Zubayr acknowledged the report. [1209]
The sources saying that Zubayr anyway had run away from the stage of fighting
[1210] or had deserted the battlefield while being remorseful, are in clash with
each other.
After Imam's speech, Zubayr intended to go back, but returned to the battlefield by the insistence of his son, it is probable that this might have caused his last run away to be assumed as his repentance. While if he were really remorseful, he would make his serious decision to return in the very beginning. When he left the battlefield, a person named Ibn Jurmuz chased and killed him in the right occasion.
Imam said about him, “Zubayr was closer to me than Talha. He was always from
us, Ahl al-Bayt, so long as his son 'Abd Allah grew up and separated us.” [1211]
Malik played a role in Imam's caliphate as much as when he came in grips with
'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr, he was almost to kill him but in front of those of his
troops whom he was separated from, 'Abd Allah said, “Kill me with Malik Ashtar.”
[1212] His purpose was to have Malik killed.
'Adi Ibn Hatim Ta'i was among Imam's defenders who lost both one eye and one of his sons in this war. 'Amr Ibn Himaq Khuza'i was another companion of the Prophet (S) who stayed close to Imam in this war. He was, according to Dinwari, among the pious people of Kufa and many pious people joined him.
Observing the resistance of Basrans around Jamal, Imam ordered the camel to be killed. Some of Imam's companions surrounded the camel and killed it.
Later on, 'Ayisha said, “I could see 'Ali from inside the camel litter who
was engaged in war shouting, al-Jamal, al-Jamal.” [1213]
Imam neared the camel litter and blamed 'Ayisha addressing her, “Ya Shaqira'.”
[1214]
One point is worth saying that 'Ayisha watched outside from inside the camel
litter through the hole made.
Once she asked a person who had the reins of the camel in hand, “Is 'Ali
present among the people?”
He replied, “Yes.”
'Ayisha asked him to show 'Ali to her. When 'Ali was shown to her, she said,
“How identical he is to his brother!”
The man questioned, “Whom do you mean?”
She said, “The Prophet.”
Once the man heard that, he let the camel's reins loose and joined Imam's
troops. [1215]
After the war came to an end, 'Ayisha who was motionless like a stiff, was taken
out and sent along with her brother, Muhammad Ibn Abi Bakr, to Basra and after
some days she could leave there. Afterwards, she was sent to Medina with a
number of Basran men and women. [1216] A long time after, 'Ayisha frequently
expressed remorse of what she had done. [1217] When she read the verse, وقرن في
بيوتكن she cried so much that her veil became wet. [1218]
Ibn Qutayba says, “A woman came to 'Ayisha and said, What do you say about the
woman who has killed her little child?”
'Ayisha said, “She must go to hell.”
The woman said, “What do you say about the woman who has killed (that is
'Ayisha) twenty thousand of her elder children?” [1219]
'Ayisha herself when dying, said, “I have created events after the Prophet. Bury
me near other wives (rather than beside the Prophet).” [1220]
According to another narration, 'Ayisha said, “My absence in Jamal would have
been better than having ten sons of the Prophet.” [1221]
Many Basrans from different tribes were killed in this war. According to
Baladhuri, only two thousand five hundred and fifty two people of Azd tribe were
killed.
Eight hundred from Bakr Ibn Wa'il, five hundred from Banu Dhabba and seven
hundred people from Banu Tamim had been killed. [1222]
There seem to be other exaggerative numbers given. For example, Jamal war
victims are said to be totally twenty thousand people. [1223]
'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr also says that there have been fifteen thousand people
killed.
According to Sheykh Mufid, the same number of twenty thousand people seems
correct. [1224]
Abu Hatim Nami quoting from his grandfather that the people killed in Jamal
numbered twenty thousand people. [1225]
This number seems incorrect because in a war lasting only five to six hours,
there could be not many casualties to this extent. Imam's troops martyrs are
said to number between four hundred to five hundred people. [1226]
Known figures among martyrs of Imam's companions number six. Among them, Zayd
and Sayhan are children of Sawhan. There are two more people called Saq'ab and
'Abd Allah, brothers of Salim Ibn Mikhnaf (Abu Mikhnaf's grandfather) as well as
two others named 'Alba' Ibn Harith Sadusi and Hind Jamali. [1227]
What is certain is that the immediate defeat of Basra troops (five hundred
people killed compared to over nineteen thousand people of the rebels killed)
shows that rebelling troops had no strong incentives although Umm al-Mu'minin
was present among them. Major problem was that Talha and 'Ayisha despite the
fame they won in the affair of 'Uthman, were more notorious than that they can
deceive people of Basra considering themselves as avengers for 'Uthman.
After the war was put to an end, Imam (a) ordered his troops not to chase anybody. Whoever gave in, he shall not be killed and no wounded shall be murdered. Imam set free even people like Marwan and children of 'Uthman.
At that time, Marwan said, “He will not swear allegiance unless he is forced
to do so.”
Imam said, “Even if he swears allegiance, like Jews, he will violate his
allegiance.” [1228]
Imam did not let people take advantage of private property of people except what
the enemy had used in war. This was amazing to the people who up to now gained
booties after any victorious war. Imam was objected concerningly, and he ashamed
them by saying that who would take 'Ayisha if the property is to be shared?
However, simple-minded Arabs had this problem in mind that how it is rightly
possible to kill people of a tribe but their property seizure is forbidden.
[1229]
Imam (a) began to search among those killed. When he saw Ka'b Ibn Thur-former
judge of Basra on behalf of 'Umar-he had Qur'an hang from his neck. Imam said to
take Qur'an off his neck.
He then ordered to have Ka'b be seated in front of him, and talked to his
dead body just as the prophet had done to Quraysh's killed people in Uhud, “O
Ka'b! I found what my God had promised. You also found what your God had
promised you!” [1230]
After Jamal fracas came to an end, Imam (a) entered congregation mosque and
began to reproach the Basran infidels who were the first people standing against
their Imam.
Imam called them [1231] womanish troops and animal followers: جند المراةً واتباع البهيمةً.
Imam wrote in letters to Medina and Kufa about the story of Basra. [1232]
Then he ordered to have the public property shared among his companions who are
said to number twelve thousand people. Unlike Talha and Zubayr who said when
observing Bayt al-Mal, “This is the same promise of God and his messenger”, this
time Imam (a) said, “O white and yellow jewels, deceive people but me.” [1233]
After some time, sojourning in Basra, Imam went up to Kufa on Monday, Rajab 12th
or 16th, year 36 H. [1234] after appointing 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Abbas as the ruler
of Basra. His arrival in Kufa is said to be on Monday, 12th of Rajab. [1235]
Imam Stays in Kufa
Imam departed to Kufa after subsiding rebellion of infidels.
Imam stayed over in Kufa until his martyrdom. It is outlandish to say that Imam generally decided to leave Medina, although it is even far from fact his return to Medina might have been possible after his stay in Kufa. His departure to Kufa has to be considered as some kind of action to safeguard religion from the harm of infidels such as Mu'awiya.
Iraq was in a touchy situation. In principal, after beginning of conquests and expansion of Islamic realm, two points triggered increased importance of Damascus and Iraq over Medina and in other words Hijaz. First, a large number of tribes had come to Damascus and Iraq from Hijaz among whom there were seen many of companions. Second, the extent, possibilities and hidden talents in this regions had been incomparable to Hijaz.
When infidel rebels began their movement in Mecca, they well came to this conclusion to move towards Iraq before 'Ali (a) captures it. In case they could succeed in seizing Kufa and Basra, Hijaz would come in their hands. The problem was that they first assumed power in Basra but an incomplete one. Second, Kufa was taken totally out of their control.
In contrast, Imam could bring Kufa under his control, placing it as a base for his Shi'ite Muslims in the future. Regretfully, the same action of the infidel rebels caused Basra not only to tilt towards 'Uthmani religion but there emerges a permanent enmity between Basra and Kufa in Iraq, fading out solidarity in this region.
It was not easy for Imam to get out of Madinat al-Nabi and there was no way out just as when the Prophet (S) left Mecca with all sanctity and his sense of patriotism. In that time, he had not so many followers in Mecca. In contrast, Medina bowed to him knowing that it was economically reliable.
Now Imam 'Ali (a) had felt that his two strong enemies, one having Damascus in control and another Basra, trying to take Kufa out of his control. Seizure of these two cities meant that the whole Iran with all of its economic capacities has come under their control.
Imam (a) was not the man to become discouraged in the face of these problems and to abdicate from caliphate, something the rebels thought of and imagined that Imam leaves the affairs to Shura by observing this condition. On the contrary, he was determined to fight with the rebels and for the same reason he swiftly moved towards Iraq.
The major reason was that Medina could not stand and resist for some factors.
First, economically speaking, Hijaz was unable to bear confrontation with
Iraq or Damascus. Medina, the best region, could not properly meet the needs of
its people. Now how could it feed a huge army?
Second, Medina was not able to endure an all-out war with Damascus in terms of
human power. The maximum number of those Medinans who aided Imam (a) in Jamal
war is four thousand people. [1236] This population could not undo the problems
of succession in facing his plenty of enemies.
Third, Medinans save Ansar were not so much interested in Imam 'Ali (a). Muhajirun (immigrants), their children as well as Meccans were great number of people who had departed to this city after departure of the Prophet (S). Families of the Umayyads and those of Jamal rebels did not allow people to completely assist Imam (a).
The people of this city, during 'Uthman period, suffering from increased desire of welfare took away their fighting spirit. Moreover, the citizens, particularly some companions, like 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar, Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas, Muhammad Ibn Maslama, Usama Ibn Zayd, Zayd Ibn Thabit and many others did not show the least interest to Imam (a), knowing themselves more religious jurist than that they lend an ear to his speech. When Imam was in Kufa, Sahl Ibn Hunayf, Imam's ruler in Kufa, told Imam that many people are attracted by Mu'awiya.
Imam in a letter wrote to Sahl: “I have been told that people staying with
you some of whom secretly go to Mu'awiya. Do not feel sorry that number of your
men is decreased and their assistance is stopped. Their deviation and your
release from their suffering suffice to say that they are escaping from the
truth and rushing to ignorance. They are people of this world and they are after
it. They have seen and heard the justice and knew that people are equal in front
of justice. So, they ran away to have their own ends meet alone. May they be far
from the blessing of God” [1237]
Meccans had no better situation either. When Imam (a) wrote to Khalid Ibn 'As to
secure allegiance from Meccans but they refused to do so. [1238]
Kufa in different ways and just in the face of Medina had an entirely good
condition. In the first place, Iraq had no problem of population. There were
many tribes living there, those who had shown their military power in conquering
Iran. Iraq economically was the most important source for people of this land.
Furthermore, there were a lot of tax and tribute from Iran and Iraq, an
unlimited wealth, in the hands of Muslims. When 'Uqba Ibn 'Amir asked Imam not
to leave Medina and get somebody else to go.
Imam said, إن الأموال والرجال بالعراق “The properties and the men are in
Iraq.” [1239]
This was quite clear for others. 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir leaving Basra for Mecca
after 'Uthman was murdered, he was told in a piece of poetry by Walid Ibn 'Uqba,
“You left Iraq, center of men and came to a silent city!” [1240]
Ibn A'tham presents importance of Iraq as if Damascus has been only a corner of
it. [1241] Fundamental aim of Imam (a) was to face Mu'awiya after stifling of
Jamal rebellion. It was impossible to do this without Imam's appearance in Iraq
that was near Damascus. [1242]
Besides, Imam had a lot of supporters from among Yemeni tribes who were actually
his devotees. They played a very important role in the war when Imam assumed
caliphate and they stood in all battle scenes to the very end.
Of course it is to be noted that Iraq had its own specific problems. Later on, more explanation will be given about Iraqis on the occasion of confusion in this city at the beginning of Imam Hasan (a)'s succession.
It is only to refer that Kufiyans were recognized the most controversial people over trifles. They were enthusiastic people and not showing moderation in this regard. Also, the strong force of tribes headmen was one of the serious problems of Imam during his caliphate.
Notes:
[1065] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VII, pp 36-37
[1066] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VII, pp 37-42; al-Mi‘yar wa
l-Muwazina, p. 111-114; Da‘a’im al-Islam, vol. I, p. 384; Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol.
I, pp 200,415 and Ibid from, Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, p. 125;Amali, Ibn Ash-Shiykh,
section 44, p. 91, No 5, Rawďa al-kafi, No 551
[1067] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VII, pp 37-42
[1068] Da‘a’im al-Islam, vol. I, p. 384; Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 229
[1069] al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 75; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 318
[1070] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. 16, p. 23; al-Futuh, vol.
IV, p. 149
[1071] Bahj As-Sabaqa, vol. II, pp 197-203
[1072] al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p. 227; see,Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 113
[1073] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 342
[1074] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 141; al-Gharat (And in footnote from Wasa‘il
Ash-Shi‘a, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Bihar al-anwar) Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II,
p. 183
[1075] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 189
[1076] Ibid, vol. 1, p. 212
[1077] Ibid, vol.1, p. 212 – 213; from: al-Ikhtisas, p. 151; Bihar, vol. 41, p.
106; Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. 11, p. 93
[1078] al-Gharat, p. 186 – 187; Gharib al-hadith, Abu ‘Ubayd, vol. 3, p. 484;
Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 19, p. 184
[1079] al-Gharat, p. 187 (Persian translation
[1080] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 10, p. 46
[1081] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 12, pp 82-90
[1082] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 18
[1083] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 88
[1084] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol.III, p.342.
[1085] MustaTrafat As-Sara’ir, p. 146, and in its footnote, Bihar, vol. 96,
p. 38; Wasa’il Ash-Shi‘a, vol. 5, p. 193; Tafsir ‘Ayyashi, vol. I, p. 175
[1086] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 53
[1087] al-Manar, vol. 6, p. 288
[1088] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 123
[1089] Ibid sermon 38
[1090] Ibid sermon 16
[1091] Nahj al-Balaghah sermon 192
[1092] Ibid sermon 233; Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. 1, p. 96
[1093] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 54
[1094] Zamakhshari has mentioned some parts in Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. 1 from page
41 on
[1095] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 113
[1096] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 87
[1097] Nahj al-Balaghah sermon 205
[1098] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. 3, pp 1043-1044
[1099] al-Amali fi Athar sahaba, p. 50
[1100] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. 10, p. 124
[1101] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 180
[1102] Tarikh al-Kabir, Bukhari, vol. 4, p. 33; al-Ghadir, vol. 9, p. 66, vol.
10, p. 201
[1103] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 179; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I, p.
204(printed in India
[1104] Taqyid al-‘ilm, p. 90; Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, PP 226,294; Tarikh
Baghdad, vol. 8, p. 357; al-Taratib al-Idariyya, vol. II,p. 259; Tabaqat
al-Kubra, vol. 6, p. 116
[1105] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan(a), Ibn Sa‘d, p. 156
[1106] concerning “ Kitab ‘Ali bi Imla’al-Nabi (S) ”,Ahmadi Miyaniji, the
master, completed a detailed research about “Makatib al-rasul” and extracted
some cases narrated by the Infallible Imams from ‘Ali’s booklet
[1107] Majma‘ al-bayan, vol. 8, p. 472
[1108] Qut al-qulub, vol. II, p. 302; Wasa’il Ash-Shi‘a, vol. II, P. 515;
al-Tahdhib, vol. II, p. 486; al-Kafi, vol. II, p. 312; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p.
312; Akhbar Isbahan, vol. I,p. 89
[1109] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, pp 227-228
[1110] Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. I, p. 70 Concerning positions of other Imams,
“Qissih khanan dar Tarikh Islam wa «ran”,pp 93 - 102, Qum, 1999
[1111] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. 7, p. 36
[1112] See one detailed example of that in, Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, pp 74-79 and
the sources in there We mentioned other sources in the first vol.ume of the book
under the topic of “ the historical role of the Messenger (S) ”
[1113] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 12, p. 36
[1114] Naqď,p. 496; Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, pp 338-342; Musnad al-imam al-Hadi, p. 207;
Bihar al-anwar, vol. 38, p. 245
[1115] al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p. 108
[1116] Ansab al-Ashraf, ol II, p. 273
[1117] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 105
[1118] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 164
[1119] Ibid sermon 145
[1120] Ibid sermon 149
[1121] Ibid sermon 192
[1122] Ibid sermon 154
[1123] Ibid sermon 176
[1124] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. II, p. 537
[1125] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. I, p. 530
[1126] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 182
[1127] Ibid sermon 187
[1128] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 187
[1129] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 252(footnote)of, Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 28, p.
67; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 5, p. 364
[1130] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 429; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 218
[1131] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 223 Major source on Jamal war is the book of
“al-Jamal” by Sheykh Mufid who has prepared it out of tens of sources accessible
to him in that time We have used this book as well as others previously written
[1132] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 255
[1133] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 222-223; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 34
[1134] As earlier said, when Abu Bakr said prayers, just one, instead of the
Prophet (S), according to Imam ‘Ali, ‘Ayisha was the one who, from inside of
home, introduced Abu Bakr
[1135] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, P. 300
[1136] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, P. 274
[1137] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, P. 942
[1138] Concerning different statements and what she herself said in
contradiction to this idea, Hadith al-Ifk, from p. 158 on
[1139] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 8, p. 81
[1140] Ibid, vol. 8, p. 68
[1141] Ibid, vol. 8, p. 103
[1142] al-Jamal, pp 157-160
[1143] See the section on “‘Uthman’s Opponents”
[1144] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 217-218; vol. 5, p. 91; Sharh Nahj
al-Balaghah of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 6, p. 215
[1145] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. 5, p. 91
[1146] al-Jamal,p. 160 and in the footnote from,Ash-Shafi,vol. 4, p. 356; Bihar
al-anwar, vol. 32, p. 341
[1147] al-Futuh, vol. II, P. 337; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. 4, p. 21
[1148] Musnad Ahmad, vol. 6, pp 34, 38
[1149] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. I, p. 821
[1150] al-Jamal, pp 409-412
[1151] Ibid, pp 425-434
[1152] Ibid, p. 438
[1153] ²ahr al-Islam, vol. 4, pp 38-39
[1154] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 451
[1155] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 144
[1156] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 238
[1157] al-Mu‘jam al-Kabir, vol. 24, p. 34
[1158] al-Futuh, vol. II, PP 282-283
[1159] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 451; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 284
[1160] al-Futuh, vol. II, P. 284
[1161] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 224
[1162] al-Mu‘jam al-Kabir, vol. 24, p. 10; Majma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. 9, p. 135
[1163] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 286
[1164] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 221
[1165] al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 279-280
[1166] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 221-222
[1167] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. 4, p. 15-16
[1168] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 144; al-Jamal, p. 322
[1169] al-Jamal, p. 304
[1170] al-Jamal, p. 329
[1171] Ibid p. 345
[1172] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 229-230; al-Jamal, p. 305
[1173] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. 11, p. 365; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II,
p. 224; al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p. 120; al-Isti‘ab, vol. 4, p. 361; (Ibn ‘Abd
al-Barr says, “This hadith is among the reasons of the Prophet’s prophethood and
it is more correctly documented requiring no discussion ”) Futuh al-Buldan, p.
549; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 288; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 227; Majma‘
al-Zawa’id, vol. 7, p. 234
[1174] al-Jamal, p. 306
[1175] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 226-227
[1176] al-Jamal, p. 307
[1177] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 182
[1178] al-Jamal, p. 284
[1179] Ibid p. 285
[1180] al-Ma‘arif, p. 208
[1181] al-Jamal, p. 401
[1182] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 15, p. 283
[1183] al-Jamal, pp 283-284
[1184] al-Jamal, pp 301-302
[1185] Ibid pp 299-300
[1186] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 184
[1187] loc cit
[1188] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 145
[1189] Ibid p. 145; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 234-235
[1190] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 145
[1191] Dinwari (Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 147) says, “when Zubayr heard that ‘Ammar is
with Imam ‘Ali, he remained doubtful due to hadith of «الحق مع عمار» and hadith
«تقتلك الفئة الباغية» This statement seems incorrect thanks to Zubayr’s spoiled
soul ‘Ammar was from the very beginning with Imam, how has Zubayr not thought of
this so far?”
[1192] Concerning the tribes and their positions, Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p.
237
[1193] al-Jamal, p. 330
[1194] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 239,274
[1195] About the attendance of the Prophet’s companions, Ansab al-Ashraf, vol.
II, pp 267-269 (footnote
[1196] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 147
[1197] al-Jamal, pp 314-318
[1198] Waq‘at al-Jamal, p. 36
[1199] al-Jamal, pp 336-339
[1200] Ibid p. 336; According to Baladhuri, war happened on Jumadi al-Thani 10th
Ansab al-Ashraf, p. 238; Imam’s letter to Kufiyans telling about the triumph
over Jamal companions is dated Jumadi al-Awwal al-Jamal, p. 399
[1201] al-Jamal, p. 334
[1202] al-Jamal, pp 339-340; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 7, p. 537; Ansab
al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 241
[1203] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 240-241
[1204] al-Jamal, p. 348; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 257
[1205] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 246-247
[1206] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 185
[1207] al-Jamal, p. 383
[1208] Waq‘at al-Jamal, al-Ghallabi, p. 42; Tarikh Mukhtasar Dimashq, vol. 11,
p. 204
[1209] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 255; Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 147
[1210] Abu Mikhnaf comments that Zubayr left the battlefield after troops
failure and he was killed on his way to Medina Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 254;
This means that he has left the battlefield and nothing else
[1211] al-Jamal, p. 389; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 9, p. 24
[1212] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 150
[1213] Al-Jamal, p. 379
[1214] Ibid p. 369
[1215] SamT al-Nujum al-’Awali, vol. II, p. 440
[1216] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 249
[1217] Ibid vol. II, p. 265
[1218] Ibid vol. II, p. 266
[1219] ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p. 202
[1220] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 8, p. 74
[1221] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 241; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 6
[1222] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 248
[1223] Ibid. vol.II, p.265.
[1224] al-Jamal, p. 419
[1225] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 186
[1226] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 186.
[1227] Ibid p. 190
[1228] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 263 (context and footnote
[1229] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 151
[1230] al-Jamal, p. 392
[1231] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 151; al-Jamal, p. 407; Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. I, p. 308
[1232] al-Jamal, pp 395-399
[1233] Ibid pp 401-402
[1234] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 374; Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 152; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol.
II, p. 273; It is to be said that Imam has written letter to Qara¨a Ibn Ka‘b,
ruler of Kufa, to inform about the victory in Rajab 36 H al-Jamal, p. 404
[1235] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 153
[1236] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 184
[1237] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 70
[1238] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 210-211
[1239] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 143; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 268; al-Mi‘yar wa
l-Muwazina, p. 98
[1240] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 271
[1241] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 134
[1242] Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. I, p. 47